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      ПІБ скаржника
      Контактна інформація
      Чиї дії оскаржуються (журналіст, представник медіа, медіа)
      Короткий зміст оскаржуваного матеріалу
      Порушення або перелік порушень, які вбачає скаржник з матеріалу

      Додатки (скарга з усіма посиланнями на матеріали, які оскаржуються).

      Якщо відома інформація про те, чи зверталися до стверджуваного порушника із правом на відповідь чи правом на спростування – зазначити про це (додати копії звернення до стверджуваного порушника та відповіді на нього).

      Open statement to the international community and intergovernmental organisations


      From the civil society, media organisations and associations, and media outlets

      of Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central Asia

      On taking urgent and necessary measures to restore international law and order and overcome the consequences of the international security catastrophe caused by the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine.

      On February 24, 2022, the Russian Federation launched a large-scale invasion into sovereign and independent Ukraine in violation of the imperative norms of international law. This invasion was a continuation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine that started in March 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent occupation of part of the eastern territories of Ukraine. There is currently a large-scale international armed conflict in the heart of Europe, in which Russia is resorting to war crimes as a deliberately chosen strategy of terror against civilians. It is clear that this conflict has posed the greatest threat to world peace since World War II and could lead to the complete destruction of international law and order and the world’s entry into an era of “war of all against all.” This catastrophe became possible due to laziness, cowardice, and conformism of international institutions and organisations that have failed to effectively defend the principles of democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. It also became possible because by relying confidently on the international standards and norms developed after World War II, we did not pay attention to the fact that the all-encompassing technological “disruption” of recent years could require a substantial revision and/or adaptation of at least some of these standards.

      Recognizing the high level of threat to the region and to the world while at the same time being confident that the greatest crises create unique opportunities for large-scale reforms and positive change, we call on the international community and competent international organisations to:

      І. Demonstrate genuine commitment to the spirit of international law and the necessary political will to expel the Russian Federation from the UN Security Council. A country that has repeatedly violated the fundamental principles of the United Nations has no legal or moral right to be a permanent member of one of its key bodies.

      ІІ. Recognize that the UN’s structure and certain operational procedures (above all, the rules of the work of the UN Security Council) were based on the political realities of the end of World War II and are neo-colonial and unjust by their nature. They have long been unable to uphold international law and order. For this reason, it is necessary to immediately begin the review process of the basic mechanisms of the UN with the aim of substantially reforming them to effectively ensure the preservation of peace.

      ІІІ. Ensure that the Russian Federation is brought to justice for the international crimes committed against Ukraine, including the crime of aggression and war crimes. Should it be impossible to engage the International Criminal Court effectively, it is necessary to establish a special international tribunal to investigate and punish the crimes committed by Russian officials and military personnel against Ukraine.

      IV. Given that Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine incorporates a significant information component, the aforementioned international tribunal must consider holding liable a number of Russian media figures who deliberately, systematically, and massively developed and implemented aggressive information operations to spread disinformation, incitement to hatred, propaganda for and justification of Russian aggression against Ukraine. A provisional list of persons to be brought to justice is proposed in Annex 1 to this Statement. A non-exhaustive list of verified sources and reports with examples and evidence of such aggressive information operations is provided in Annex 2 to this Statement.

      V. Recognize that freedom of expression and freedom of the media should in no way extend to aggressive information operations that are funded, controlled, and/or otherwise supported by countries with unlawful intent. Immediately begin the process of international consultations involving representatives of civil society, academia, and the media to develop a legal framework to limit and counter aggressive information operations at the global and regional levels. Numerous testimonies from Russian prisoners of war in Ukraine clearly demonstrate how aggressive information operations lead to actual armed conflicts. For the sake of protection of peace, this practice must be eradicated.

      VI. Recognize that information aggression is not merely a supporting factor in modern conflicts but rather a powerful main component of them. Immediately begin the process of international consultations to develop an updated definition of aggression for the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to include aggressive information operations.

      Being aware of the complexity of these demands, we are nevertheless convinced that their successful implementation is possible and necessary to preserve the civilizational achievements of humanity and overcome the global security crisis.

      With respect and readiness to cooperate in achieving the objectives set out in this statement, 


      1. Independent Media Council, Ukraine

      2. Detector Media, Ukraine

      3. Institute of Mass Information, Ukraine

      4. Centre for Civil Liberties, Ukraine

      5. Internews Ukraine, Ukraine

      6. Regional Press Development Institute, Ukraine

      7. Suspilnist Foundation, Ukraine

      8. Centre for Democracy and Rule of Law, Ukraine

      9. Human Rights Centre ZMINA, Ukraine

      10. Commission on Journalistic Ethics, Ukraine

      11. StopFake, Ukraine

      12. Digital Security Lab, Ukraine

      13. Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy, Ukraine

      14. Human Rights Platform, Ukraine

      15. Ukrainian Media and Communication Institute, Ukraine

      16. Consortium of the veteran organisation of the east, Ukraine

      17. Ukrainian association of media psychologist and media educators, Ukraine

      18. The National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, Ukraine

      19. Political psychologist association of Ukraine, Ukraine

      20. National media association, Ukraine

      21. European Values Center for Security Policy, Czech Republic

      22. Legal Media-Centre, Kazakhstan

      23. 101tv.kz, Kazakhstan

      24. Tilshi, Kazakhstan

      25. New Generation of Human Rights Defenders Coalition, Kazakhstan

      26. ProTenge, Kazakhstan

      27. Abzhan news, Kazakhstan

      28. MediaNet International Journalism Centre, Kazakhstan

      29. Factcheck.kz, Kazakhstan

      30. Youtube channel “Just journalism”, Kazakhstan

      31. Association of Independent Press (API), Moldova

      32. Centre for Investigative Journalism, Moldova

      33. Media–Guard Association, Мoldova

      34. Media Alternativa, TV8, Moldova

      35. Sud-Est Media AO (Moldova.org), Moldova

      36. Centrul PAS AO (Sanatateinfo.md), Moldova

      37. Jurnal TV, Moldova

      38. Committee for Freedom of the Press, Moldova

      39. A.O. „Media & Human Rights”, Moldova

      40. Independent Journalism Centre, Moldova

      41. Interact Media, Agora.md, Moldova

      42. Association of Electronic Press, Moldova

      43. NewsMaker.md, Moldova

      44. Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), Belarus

      45. Solidarity Fund BYSOL, Belarus

      46. Georgian Alliance of Regional Broadcasters, Georgia

      47. Journalism Resource Centre, Georgia

      48. TOK TV-Georgia, Georgia

      49. Institute for Development of Freedom of Information (IDFI), Georgia

      50. Liberal Academy Tbilisi, Georgia

      51. The Greens Movement of Georgia, Georgia

      52. The Association of Business Consulting Organisations of Georgia, Georgia

      53. Imereti Union of Science – “SPECTRI”, Georgia

      54. Research-Intellectual Club “Dialogue of Generations”, Georgia

      55. Samtskhe-Javakheti Regional Association “Toleranti”, Georgia

      56. Georgian Trade Union Confederation, Georgia

      57. Association “Peaceful and Business Caucasus”, Georgia

      58. Association “Merkuri”, Georgia

      59. Black Sea Ecologist Union, Georgia

      60. Georgian Institute of Politics, Georgia

      61. Gori Information Centre, Georgia

      62. Energy Efficiency Foundation, Georgia

      63. Georgian Civil Development Association, Georgia

      64. New Generation For Democratic, Georgia

      To join this statement, please fill out the form: https://forms.gle/JZGq5GUWN76LCLj48

      Annex 1. Provisional list of persons to be held accountable for systematic, deliberate, and large-scale development and implementation of aggressive information operations to spread disinformation, incitement to hatred, propaganda, and justification of Russian aggression against Ukraine

      1. Dmitry Kiseliov, deputy director general at VGTRK

      2. Olga Skabeeva, host of a talk show “60 Minutes”

      3. Yevgeny Popov, host of a talk show “60 Minutes”

      4. Roman Balayan

      5. Zakhar Prilepin

      6. Anton Krasovsky

      7. Arkady Mamontov

      8. Margarita Simonyan

      9. Tigran Keosayan

      10. Vladimir Solovyov

      11. Alexey Nikolov, Managing Director RT

      12. Anton Anisimov, chief editor Sputnik

      13. Andrey Blagodyrenko, chief of ukraina.ru and Baltnews

      14. Dinara Toktosunova, Ruptly CEO

      15. Andrey Norkin, NTV

      16. Artyom Sheinin (Perviy Kanal)

      17. Anatoliy Kuzichev (Perviy Kanal)

      18. Olesya Loseva (Perviy Kanal)

      19. Irada Zeynalova (NTV)

      20. Roman Babayan (TV Center)

      21. Alexander Kots (Komsomolskaya Pravda)

      22. Andrey Kondrashov (VGTRK)

      23. Kirill Kleymyonov (Perviy Kanal)

      24. Arkady Mamontov (VGTRK)

      25. Dmitry Steshin (Komsomolskaya Pravda)

      26. Vladimir Kornilov (RIA)

      27. Vitaly Tretyakov (Higher school of TV, MGU)

      28. Oleg Lurie

      29. Nikolay Starikov

      30. Anna Shafran (Vesti FM)

      31. Andrey Ilnitsky

      32. Dmitry Kulikov (Perviy Kanal)

      33. Armen Gasparyan

      34. Oksana Boyko (RT)

      35. Inna Afinogenova (RT)

      36. Murad Gazdiev (RT)

      37. Igor Zhdanov (RT)

      38. Mikhail Rostovsky (RT)

      39. Maksim Sokolov (RT)

      40. Valentin Gorshenin (RT)

      41. Maksim Al Turi (RT)

      42. Xenia Fedorova (RT France)

      43. Maksim Dodonov (TV Zvezda)

      44. Maria Finoshina (RT)

      Annex 2. Provisional list of verified sources and reports with examples and evidence of Russia’s aggressive information operations against Ukraine

      1. Data base, monitoring and reports of EUvsDisinfo, the flagship project of the European External Action Service’s East StratCom Task Force (2015-2022) <https://euvsdisinfo.eu/disinformation-cases/?disinfo_keywords[]=77547&date=&per_page=> 

      2. #DisinfoChronicle.Kremlin disinformation about the military offensive in Ukraine, ongoing monitoring by Detector.Media as of 25 February 2022 and for the period of the international armed conflict <https://detector.media/propahanda_vplyvy/article/196936/2022-02-25-disinfochroniclekremlin-disinformation-about-the-military-offensive-in-ukraine/>   

      3. Ongoing monitoring and reports of StopFake initiative (2014-till present) <https://www.stopfake.org/en/category/research/> 

      4. Ongoing monitoring, reports and newsletters of the European Values Center for Security Policy <https://europeanvalues.cz/en/newsletters/> 

      5. European Commission, ‘A multi-dimensional approach to disinformation. Report of the independent High-Level Group on fake news and online disinformation’ (Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2018) <https://sites.les.univr.it/cybercrime/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Amulti-dimensionalapproachtodisinformation-ReportoftheindependentHighlevelGrouponfakenewsandonlinedisinformation.pdf>

      6. NGO Internews Ukraine, Analytical publication ‘Words and Wars: Ukraine facing Kremlin propaganda’ (KIC 2017) <https://www.civic-synergy.org.ua/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Words-and-Wars.-Ukraine-Facing-Kremlin-Propaganda.pdf>

      7. de Jong S, Sweijs T, Kertysova K, Bos R, Inside the Kremlin House of Mirrors (The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies 2017) <https://issuu.com/disinfoportal/docs/inside_the_kremlin_house_of_mirrors>

      8. Dutsyk D, Shutov R, Burkovskyi P, Chernenko S, Counteraction to Russian Information Aggression: Joint Action to Protect Democracy (Telekritika 2015) <https://issuu.com/marynadorosh/docs/telekritika_analytics_2015-engl_lig>

      9. Janda J, Víchová V, Richter M, Sharibzhanov I, Fišer J, ‘How do the EU28 perceive and react to the threat of hostile influence and disinformation operations by the Russian Federation and its proxies?’ (European Values, 2017) <http://www.europeanvalues.net/vyzkum/overview-countermeasures-eu28-kremlins-subversion-operations/> 

      10. Kruk K, ‘Analyzing the Ground Zero. What Western Countries Can Learn from Ukrainian Experience of Combating Russian Disinformation’ (European Values, 2017) <http://www.europeanvalues.net/vyzkum/analyzing-ground-zero/> 

      11. Pomerantsev P, Weiss M, The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money (The Institute of Modern Russia 2014) <https://imrussia.org/media/pdf/Research/Michael_Weiss_and_Peter_Pomerantsev__The_Menace_of_Unreality.pdf>

      12. Splidsboel Hansen F, Russian Hybrid Warfare: A Study of Disinformation (DIIS 2017) <https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/197644/1/896622703.pdf>

      13. Fact vs. Fiction: Russian Disinformation on Ukraine (Factsheet) (US Department of State, 2022) <https://www.state.gov/fact-vs-fiction-russian-disinformation-on-ukraine/>

      14. Umland A, ‘The dangers of echoing Russian disinformation on Ukraine’ (Atlantic Council, 2021) <https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/the-dangers-of-echoing-russian-disinformation-on-ukraine/>

      15. Nicholson K, ‘There’s a flood of disinformation about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Here’s who’s sorting it out’ (CBC News, 2022) <https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/fact-checkers-ukraine-1.6365682>

      16. Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group, ‘Fear, Lies, and Discredit. Overview of the Main Areas of Russian Disinformation in the First Half of 2021’ (Ukraine Crisis Media Center, 2021) <https://uacrisis.org/en/fear-lies-and-discredit-overview-of-the-main-areas-of-russian-disinformation-in-the-first-half-of-2021>

      17. Moore C, ‘Russian and Disinformation: the case of Ukraine’ (CREST, 2019) <https://crestresearch.ac.uk/resources/russia-and-disinformation-the-case-of-ukraine-full-report/>

      18. Holroyd M, ‘Debunking the most viral misinformation about Russia’s war in Ukraine’ (Euronews.com, 2022) <https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2022/03/15/debunking-the-viral-misinformation-about-russia-s-war-in-ukraine-that-is-still-being-share>